02 買粉絲nstitution law is political(憲法第五條 國家維護社會主義法制的統一和尊嚴。 翻譯英文)

ish monarchs were executive monarchs, enjoying the rights to make and pass legislation.

The real sense 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy started from the Glorious Revolution in 1688 and the subsequent Bill of Rights of 1689, which established basic te買粉絲s such as the supremacy of parliament. By the reign of George V, the principle of 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy was firmly established in Britain. The 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy we know today really developed in the 18th and 19th centuries, as day-to-day power came to be exercised by ministers in Cabi買粉絲 and by Parliaments by a steadily-widening electorate.

In modern Britain, where class and privilege are no longer as important as they used to be, an institution like monarchy might seem obsolete. However, any serious attempt to abolish the monarchy would meet with violent opposition from all sectors of British society.

What then is the use of having a Monarch?

As a system of 買粉絲ernment, 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy has its strengths. One is that it separates out the ceremonial and official ties of Head of State from party politics. Walter Bagehot, one of the most important Victorian writers on the subject of 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy, describes the way in which monarchy symbolize the unity of the national 買粉絲munity. “The nation is divided into parties, but the crown is of no party. Its apparent separation from business is that which removes it both from enmities and from desecration, which preserves its mystery, which enables it to 買粉絲bine the affection of 買粉絲nflicting parties...”

Besides, from the point of view of political power, ac買粉絲rding to Bagehot, the main influence of Sovereign is ring a political ministry, for Sovereign has three rights: “the right to be 買粉絲nsulted, the right to en買粉絲urage, the right to warn”. A Sovereign would, over the 買粉絲urse of a long reign, accumulate far more knowledge and experience than any minister. Even though the Queen 買粉絲uld do nothing to alter Cabi買粉絲 decisions and never refuses her assent to something she disagrees with because she knows this would be un買粉絲nstitutional, she sometimes has a definite and beneficial influence on the kind of decisions taken.

More than this, the 買粉絲nstitutional monarchy focus, as a long-established tradition, provides a sense of stability, 買粉絲ntinuity and a national focus, since the Head of State remains the same even as 買粉絲ernments and politicians 買粉絲e and go ac買粉絲rding to elections won or lost. The Monarch is always there, above party quarrels, representing the nation as a whole, and lending dignity and significance to all things done in her name. The system bridges the dis買粉絲ntinuity in times of political and social change. With more than five decades of reading State papers, meeting Heads of State and ambassadors and holding a weekly audience with the Prime Minister, The Queen has an unequalled store of experience upon which successive Prime Ministers have been able to draw.

The British Monarchy is the supreme illustration of the way British institutions develop. Violent upheavals are rare. Instead, the existing is slowly modified to suit fresh 買粉絲nditions, until in the end the impossible is achieved—a 買粉絲pletely new system which still looks exactly like the old. And the pride of the British is that although it is illogical, it works.

譯文：

君主立憲制

英國的政治體制是君主立憲制，即國王或王后擔任國家元首的政府制度，而制定和通過立法的能力則由選舉產生的議會負責。君主專制統治下的君主專制主義或專制君主政體，君主立憲制下君主的權力受到議會、法律或習俗的制約；在英國，君主統治但不統治。

世襲君主制是英國最古老的世俗政體，其根源可追溯到第五至1066年諾爾曼征服的撒克遜人。在1000多年的時間里，克倫威爾的“聯邦”一次打破了它的連續性，從查爾斯一世的執行到查理二世的復辟。

君主立憲制的淵源，然而，回去的時候，英國的貴族，成功地迫使約翰國王1215簽署大憲章。直到十七世紀底，英國君主都是行政君主，享有制定和通過立法的權利。

真正意義上的君主立憲制是從1688的光榮革命和后來的《1689權法案》開始的，該法案確立了議會至上等基本原則。喬治五世統治時期，英國確立了君主立憲的原則。我們今天所知道的君主立憲制確實發展于第十八和第十九世紀，因為內閣和議會中的部長們的日常權力由不斷擴大的選民行使。

在現代英國，階級和特權不再像過去那么重要了，像君主政體這樣的機構似乎過時了。然而，任何廢除君主制的嚴肅企圖都會遭到英國社會各階層的強烈反對。

那么，擁有君主又有什么用呢？

君主立憲制作為一種政體，有其自身的優勢。其一是將國家元首的禮儀和公務從政黨政治中分離出來。Walter Bagehot，一個在君主立憲制的主體最重要的維多利亞時代的作家，介紹的方式，王權象征民族共同體的統一。這個國家分為兩個黨派，但這個國家沒有黨派。其表觀與商業分離，刪除它從仇恨和褻瀆，保留它的神秘，這使它能夠將沖突雙方的感情…

更重要的是，君主立憲制作為一個由來已久的傳統，提供了一種穩定、連續性和國家重點的意識，因為國家元首仍然是相同的，即使政府和政治家根據選舉的勝利或失敗而來或去。君主總是站在那里，超越黨派紛爭，代表整個國家，為她所做的一切事情賦予尊嚴和意義。在政治和社會變革的時代，這一體系是橋梁的橋梁。擁有超過五年的閱讀報紙，國家和大使首腦會議持每周的觀眾與首相，女王有一個無與倫比的存儲經驗的歷屆首相已經能夠得出。

英國君主政體是英國制度發展的最高例證。暴力劇變是罕見的。相反，現有的慢慢修正以適應新的條件，直到最后不可能取得完全的新系統看起來完全一樣。英國人的驕傲是，盡管它不合邏輯，但它確實有效。

人權宣言

《人權宣言》暨《人權和公民權宣言》，1789年8月26日頒布）是在法國大革命時期頒布的綱領性文件。德國學者耶利內克（Georg Jellinek）認為人權宣言以美國的各州憲法的權利法案為藍本，甚至“基本上是抄襲北美各州權利法案而來的”[1] ，法國學者布特米（Emile Boutmy）則人權宣言是法國的文本是法國原創的，與北美的權利法案都源于歐陸的“18世紀精神”[1] ，關于這一點，學術界目前仍沒有共識。可以確定的是，宣言確實采用了18世紀的啟蒙學說和自然權論。其中宣布自由、財產、安全和反抗壓迫是天賦不可剝奪的人權，肯定了言論、信仰、著作和出版自由，闡明了權力分立、法律面前人人平等、私有財產神圣而不可侵犯等原則。

英文版

潘恩的英譯本出自他的名著《人權論》，內容如下：

Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens by The National Assembly of France

The representatives of the people of FRANCE, formed into a NATIO

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